1923 - 1974
Jack Marshall had twenty years cabinet
experience before becoming prime minister. His successor Norman Kirk had none.
And Kirk’s experience in government was limited to a mere three years sharing
Walter Nash’s wafer-thin majority from 1957 to 1960, throughout which he was
nowhere near the front bench. He then spent twelve years in opposition.
His rise to prominence began almost invisibly
when Nash’s long-time deputy Jerry Skinner died in 1962 and Kirk’s name was
mentioned in press speculation over a possible successor to the deputy
leadership. Kirk did not contest the position, won eventually by Fred Hackett
but Hackett himself died within a year, just three weeks after Arnold Nordmeyer
had replaced Nash as leader. This time Kirk did allow his nomination as
Nordmeyer’s deputy to go forward and he lost by a single vote to Hugh Watt. This
multiple changing-of-the-guard left minds reeling. Voters had become familiar
with the eleven-year Nash/Skinner partnership and now they had to get their
heads around a raft of new names just as the 1963 election loomed. The names
included the totally unfamiliar one of Norman Kirk. And yet Kirk was now third
in the Labour party hierarchy. Then, even more surprising, came his election as
leader in 1965. This devastated the incumbent Arnold Nordmeyer who was confident
he would receive the caucus’s endorsement when the leadership came up for its
traditional review the year before an election. Kirk won by 25 votes to 10.
From nobody to party leader in less than three
years. It begs the question, why wasn’t he noticed earlier? Probably because
opposition backbenchers rarely get noticed. But he was noticed by his fellow
MPs. A large man and a powerful speaker, his potential was there for anyone
present in the chamber to see.
Now leading the party, Kirk managed to slowly
restore voter confidence in Labour by the sheer force of his personality,
although two disappointing election losses in 1966 and 1969 (following
Nordmeyer’s in 1963) had him looking over his shoulder for any lurking
leadership challenge. But his patience paid off and he celebrated a spectacular
win in 1972.
Dogged since his teenage years by health
problems, in particular an enlarged heart, Kirk lived his entire life knowing it
could be cut short at any time. Nonetheless he was bursting with energy as he
led his government into a new era. Little did he know that 1973 would be his
only full year as prime minister. On 31 August, 1974, after four months of
illness the seriousness of which few even inside the caucus were aware of,
Norman Kirk became the fourth NZ prime minister, after Seddon, Massey and
Savage, to die in office. His popularity throughout the nation and the
suddenness of his death stirred a wave of grief that rivalled that shown for
those earlier illustrious leaders, despite the brevity of his term.
Norman Kirk was born on 6 January, 1923 in
Waimate, South Canterbury and his entire schooling was completed at Linwood
Avenue primary school in Christchurch where the family moved in 1928. At school
he discovered a passion for books which lasted throughout his life. The family
struggled during his years at school with the depression forcing his father to
search for relief work. The young Norman joined the workforce himself as an
assistant roof painter at the end of 1935 when still only 12. Michael Joseph
Savage had just become New Zealand’s first Labour prime minister.
Despite his love of books an academic career
was never an option for Norman Kirk and he left home aged 17 to work for the
railways as a cleaner. He became a stationary engine driver and acquired a
boilermakers certificate. He moved around the country operating engines in
various industries including timber, dairy, gold-mining and on Auckland’s
Devonport ferry. In 1943 he began earning bigger money on the Auckland wharves
when there was an extreme shortage of labour caused by the war. He himself had
been deemed unfit for service due to his enlarged heart, diagnosed in 1940
shortly after the railways had transferred him from Frankton to Paeroa.
Hard physical work, a practical hands-on
attitude and boundless energy ran in the family. As a child Norman was taught by
his father to make concrete blocks and to convert old cars into pick-up trucks
while his high octane energy was surely derived from his mother who was topping
pine trees well into old age.
Kirk married Ruth Miller in 1943 and the
couple struggled financially. By 1948 they had three children and moved to
Kaiapoi after lean years in Katikati where Norman had worked as a boiler
engineer in the local dairy factory. It was after the Kaiapoi move that Kirk
revealed himself as much more than a manual worker with a strong interest in
books. He purchased a section and built a house on it himself, raising the money
scrub-cutting, building and running a piggery, and converting an old car into a
half-ton truck for profit. The house-building itself consisted of over a
thousand concrete blocks which he made himself. At the time he was working as a
stationary engine driver at a tyre and rubber company in Papanui, 12 miles from
his home and he made the 24 mile round trip by bicycle, returning with extra
building material he had purchased. Throughout the project he was confronted
with council regulations, some of which he objected to and this stirred an
interest in local politics,
Up to this point he had had a very brief taste
of union activity while working on the Devonport ferry; had observed the heavily
interventionist Labour government in action; and, due to his house-building
project on top of full-time work, had shown little interest in the 1949 election
which brought that government to an end. But things changed in 1950 when he met
a former Labour MP whose enthusiasm for Labour’s policies was contagious. Kirk
joined the party’s Kaiapoi branch which was in decline and before long had
become its chairman. By 1951 he was president of the neighbouring Hurunui
electorate committee. Despite his position as Labour’s chief spokesman for the
district he never came out strongly in favour of the action being taken by the
watersiders in their crippling strike. In fact he was losing interest in
national affairs. His main interests were closer to home.
While Kirk’s marriage in 1943 was a turning
point in his private life, 1953 marked his entry into the public arena and was a
momentous change for him. He stood for, and won, the Kaiapoi mayoralty and
became the country’s youngest mayor, aged just 30 and with no experience as a
councillor. He had planned his campaign well, utilising his reading experience
to establish the issues that people cared about and promised that the work
required to upgrade infrastructure would be undertaken by council employees
rather than private contractors. This was an early glimpse of his crusading
belief in big government with a social conscience – an old-style Labour man in
the tradition of Savage and Fraser. The campaign was also Kirk’s first
opportunity to demonstrate his impressive speaking skills. By now he was a huge
man with a voice to match. Speaking softly, he could be equally persuasive.
His was a dominating presence in the mayoral
office and he initially intimidated his town clerk and staff. But he got things
done. The rating system was changed to encourage more building and development;
the library was expanded and his hands-on approach together with regular contact
with the people lifted morale. After two terms he had made Kaiapoi a better
place.
By then he had already set his sights higher.
While still mayor he had stood for parliament in the Hurunui electorate but 1954
was the year Social Credit bit into Labour’s chances and he was soundly beaten.
It was a different story in 1957. The Lyttelton seat had been narrowly lost in
1954 by Labour’s Tom McGuigan who had decided not to stand again. Now fairly
well known in Labour circles Kirk obtained the support of the party’s head
office and was selected as the new candidate. This was his big chance. Tireless
door-knocking and pamphlet distribution introduced him to the new electorate and
he was helped enormously by Walter Nash’s nationwide campaign promises: 3% loans
for first home buyers; family benefit capitalisation and the famously tempting
tax rebate. Kirk rode into parliament, and into the new government, on the
slender but safe majority of 567 votes. He resigned as Kaiapoi mayor and moved
his family to Heathcote, a Christchurch suburb within his electorate.
His parliamentary career began quietly and
cautiously. He listened, and read copiously – devouring standing orders and
speaker’s rulings. On 17 June, 1958 he delivered his maiden speech - the last of
the new intake to do so. He endorsed Labour’s social policy after urging the new
government to foster and protect industrial growth in Canterbury. His proposals
included expanding the Lyttelton port and he enthusiastically endorsed the
already planned tunnel connecting the port to Christchurch. In an innovative
deviation, he dwelt at some length on the potential to increase productivity in
the Chatham Islands which came within his electorate. Before long he was
speaking confidently, and more and more forcefully. He began to dominate
parliament and in full cry would have stirred the ghost of Richard Seddon.
Journalists and fellow parliamentarians were awed by his powerful presence and
debating skills and even this early began predicting that he could one day be
prime minister.
His big test came in 1960 when Labour,
blackened by the 1958 budget, lost heavily in the general election. The fact
that he held his seat against the large swing to National (but with his majority
reduced to 260 votes) was an endorsement of his local popularity, a recognition
of his strength as a parliamentarian and the effectiveness of his mailing and
door-knocking campaign.
In 1958 he had received a sharp warning
regarding his health when he collapsed at a caucus function. His heart
condition, first diagnosed in 1940, was responsible and he was urged to lose
weight. He ignored the advice, stating he preferred a short but happy life.
Maybe his awareness of his fragility was an incentive to act with some urgency
as by now he was exceedingly ambitious and aware that the Labour caucus and
wider membership were rapidly ageing. Seven by-elections were held in the 1960-3
term (a post-war record), caused largely by deaths or retirements. When Labour’s
deputy leader Jerry Skinner died in 1962 Kirk’s name was mentioned as a possible
replacement and as an essential element in the party’s urgently needed
rejuvenation. He passed up that opportunity but grasped the next one in 1963 by
which time Nordmeyer had replaced Nash as party leader. He competed against
former cabinet ministers for the deputy leadership and knocked out two of them
before losing by one vote to Hugh Watt in the final run-off.
Nonetheless Kirk was clearly a man for the
future and he improved his chances of reaching the top by occupying key
positions within the party organisation. He was elected vice-president in 1963
and president in 1964. Meanwhile he had easily retained his seat and was now
surrounded by other younger MPs and some older ones who considered Nordmeyer’s
election loss to National in 1963 proof that he was unelectable. Kirk spent part
of 1965 visiting Labour branches with the aim of re-invigorating them. He
retained the presidency and gave notice to Nordmeyer and the caucus that he
intended to contest the leadership. It was party policy to conduct a leadership
ballot at the last caucus in the year preceding an election. On 9 December, 1965
Kirk and Nordmeyer were both nominated. Nordmeyer, expecting to win, was shocked
when Kirk beat him by 25 votes to 10. Hugh Watt remained deputy leader.
At the age of 42 Norman Kirk was now leader of
the opposition and the youngest leader of the Labour party up to that point,
remaining so until the election of David Lange in 1983. It was an uneasy start.
There had been an element of stealth in Kirk’s campaign to unseat Nordmeyer,
lobbying caucus members’ wives for example, and it led to Kirk constantly
looking over his own shoulder lest a plot against him was being hatched. He also
distrusted any colleague with an academic education.
As financial troubles began hitting the
country in 1967 the Labour opposition started losing the support of the unions
who were demanding unreasonable wage increases. Furthermore with Nordmeyer
relegated to the back bench the party lacked a powerful finance spokesman. Kirk
himself continued to advocate for more and more government spending and failed
to see that monopolies and protective measures were becoming highly
inflationary. The Vietnam war was a divisive issue within the party with the
young articulate left-wingers opposing it while many traditional Labour voters
believed it was important to support America in its quest to prevent the spread
of communism in our part of the world.
It wasn’t until after the 1969 election that
Kirk began working on his huge and somewhat ungainly appearance. He lost weight,
grew his hair longer, acquired new clothes and set his sights firmly on winning
the 1972 election, aided by an energetic campaign team.
Two election losses since he became leader could well have put his position at
risk and he lived in ongoing fear of threats from challengers. But his
leadership remained secure.
Less secure was his state of health. By early
1972 there were clear signs of congestive heart failure requiring careful drug
treatment, and with the later onset of diabetes and poor circulation caused by
his heart condition he feared an early death. This only motivated him to work
harder. In fact he was a re-energised man at the 1972 conference. He continued
to advocate for high government spending and began to take an increased interest
in foreign affairs, believing that New Zealand should be seen to be helping less
developed nations and also be more independent of established nations,
especially Britain. (Jack Marshall had been forced to acknowledge this anyway,
in his dealings with the EEC crisis.)
Things were looking up for Labour. Keith
Holyoake had finally retired and his replacement Jack Marshall, for all his
diplomatic skill and gentlemanly manner, was no match for the ebullient and
confident new look of the Labour party leader. Labour won the 1972 election with
over 48% of the vote (their highest percentage since 1946) and with a 23 seat
majority. Kirk’s health issues faded into the background and the triumphant new
government set about their task with gusto.
In some ways the initial months of the Kirk
ministry resembled the start of the Savage era in 1935. The exuberant atmosphere
was refreshing after what had become a rather tired National government. Kirk
immediately paid a Christmas bonus to all pensioners (Savage had done the same
for the unemployed) and strict instructions were given to state departments to
follow government policy and not try to block it. Labour made its mark
immediately by protecting Lake Manapouri from being raised, scrapping plans for
a gas-fired power station, and sending a navy frigate into the Pacific as a
protest against French nuclear testing. Kirk was pursuing his declared agenda of
making New Zealand’s presence felt internationally. He established diplomatic
relations with China and doubled New Zealand’s contribution towards
rehabilitation in Indochina. As promised in the campaign NZ’s remaining troops
were withdrawn from Vietnam.
A troubling issue was a planned tour by a
South African rugby team in 1973, selected (as always) on racial grounds. Labour
voters had strong opinions on both sides of this issue, just as they had over
the Vietnam war. Kirk promised not to interfere with the tour if elected but now
faced a strong protest lobby, a restless left wing in his own party and, more
importantly, senior police advisors who feared a violent reaction if the tour
went ahead. Making the situation even more volatile was the fact that New
Zealand was scheduled to host the 1974 commonwealth games which black African
nations were threatening to boycott if the racially-biased apartheid tour took
place. Kirk felt he would cool the situation if he could only persuade South
African rugby to select their team on merit and not exclude blacks but it was a
forlorn hope. Eventually, after appearing unsure which way to turn in early
1973, he announced the “postponement” of the tour
on 10 April, a day after a Papakura rugby grandstand had been burned down
in a protest against the tour. Despite the wisdom and courage of the decision,
it was seen as a broken promise and almost certainly cost Labour politically.
1973 was a hectic year in other respects and
Kirk responded with renewed energy. A state-owned shipping line was created,
plans to restructure broadcasting services were initiated, daylight saving was
introduced, the Auckland medical school was expanded, education subsidies were
raised, benefits were increased, new categories of social welfare were
introduced and more attention was focussed on the Treaty of Waitangi with the
anniversary of its signing becoming a public holiday and the Waitangi Tribunal
established. These represent only a fraction of the legislative changes
introduced by the third Labour government. Despite all this, the new prime
minister was something of a curiosity. He could be intolerant of the media and
was rambling at cabinet meetings which were often not well attended. His
ministry lacked strength and depth. But Kirk’s own charisma continued to be
alluring.
Kirk made an extensive overseas tour during
the summer recess and in New Delhi his health took a turn for the worse. He
recovered but it was yet another warning sign.
Also taking a turn for the worse was the
economy. There had been a dramatic rise in the price of oil in 1973 and the high
export prices for meat and wool fell in early 1974. Inflation kept rising and
industrial unrest was seething. Social issues were also coming to the fore. Some
Labour members wanted a bill introduced to decriminalise homosexuality and there
was pressure from the women’s movement to legalise abortion. Kirk opposed both.
What should have been a straightforward
surgical procedure on Norman Kirk’s varicose veins in April 1974 turned out to
reveal a worsening of his heart condition which had caused his legs to swell. A
clot developed in his lung causing pleurisy. Clearly the signs were not good but
few considered that his life could be in danger – that is, few apart from Kirk
himself and his doctors. He battled through the Labour party conference and
insisted on participating in the house debate on the new superannuation
legislation in August. But it was after the 19 August cabinet meeting that he
went home with flu-like symptoms. A heart specialist persuaded Kirk to re-enter
hospital on 28 August where he had a sudden seizure and died on 31 August at the
age of 51.
New Zealand mourned. Kirk’s life was
celebrated from one end of the country to the other but in the fullness of time
his legacy was examined more dispassionately. He had been a contradiction. Young
and vibrant, he was expected to rejuvenate Labour’s traditional mindset. But in
fact he adhered firmly to that mindset, carrying on where Savage, Fraser and
Nash left off despite the momentous social changes that had occurred since 1960.
He remained a passionate believer in traditional Labour values and his personal
ambition to aim high in politics did nothing to dampen care for his fellow man
and the less well-off. His paranoia and general insecurity kept him somewhat
aloof from his colleagues but amongst the working class he was in his element.
Kirk led the government for 21 months and had
functioned confidently as opposition leader before that, particularly after
1969. His front bench was somewhat lacklustre but worked hard to support him.
None, apart from Bill Rowling who succeeded him as prime minister, became
household names either then or later although Joe Walding was a respected
minister of overseas trade filling the large shoes of Jack Marshall in that
role. Colin Moyle, a capable agriculture minister, would have his career
interrupted in 1977 amid controversy.
Kirk was a superb debater and his charisma and
statesman-like demeanour made him one of New Zealand’s most popular prime
ministers. He had shown his potential to lead a long term government when his
untimely death intervened. This only added to his legacy. His funeral in
Wellington, attended by thousands, was an event to match that of Michael Joseph
Savage in its sobriety. Prince Charles represented the Queen and a memorial
service was held later in Westminster Abbey. Other memorial services were held
throughout New Zealand and Norman Kirk was buried quietly in his home town of
Waimate on 5 September, 1974.